{"id":10279,"date":"2023-11-14T08:30:00","date_gmt":"2023-11-13T22:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=10279"},"modified":"2023-11-06T07:14:51","modified_gmt":"2023-11-05T21:14:51","slug":"cooperation-and-capabilities-pacific-led-regionalism-in-the-age-of-great-power-competition-part-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/cooperation-and-capabilities-pacific-led-regionalism-in-the-age-of-great-power-competition-part-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Cooperation and capabilities: Pacific-led regionalism in the age of great power competition | Part 2"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

SEAN JACOBS<\/a>\u00a0 |\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While Pacific Island Countries (PICs) and Western nations rely on shared values as a basis for a strong relationship, Beijing relies on a different appeal\u2014an \u201cability to deliver,\u201d in Dame Meg Taylor\u2019s words<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indeed, across the Pacific, where \u2018bricks and mortar\u2019 outcomes face persistent setbacks<\/a>, tangible deliverables are not just broadly appreciated but welcomed<\/a>. Pacific nations have understandably intensified<\/a> their relationships over the past decade and a half, based on the proposed \u2018win-win\u2019 nature<\/a> of Chinese help.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, it is here in this tension\u2014between values and interests\u2014where we see the need for \u2018strategic cooperation\u2019. Or, in other words, the potential for a blend between Western and Chinese forms of regional assistance. PICs\u2014rather than being passive players \u2013 can play a key role in blending this assistance and shaping cooperation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018Strategic cooperation\u2019 is defined<\/a> by Kevin Rudd in The Avoidable War<\/em> as \u201cthose areas where continued strategic cooperation (for example, on climate change) is both recognised and encouraged.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are two sub-elements to strategic cooperation relevant to the Pacific.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first, as Rudd notes<\/a>, is that strategic cooperation is essential in offsetting escalations between Beijing and Washington, and \u201cnavigating each other\u2019s strategic redlines\u201d and \u201cmutually identifying the areas of nonlethal national security policy\u2026 where full-blown strategic competition is accepted as the new normal.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

PICs can play a unique role in terms of directing where and how such cooperation can take place, which empowers PICs and, at the same time, has the functional benefit of delivery.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here we find the second sub-element of strategic cooperation in the Pacific\u2014clear precedent. In terms of practical examples of cooperation, the region is not starting from scratch. The 2015 Australia-China-PNG malaria pilot control project<\/a> is one small but important illustration. Another<\/a> is the 2014 People\u2019s Republic of China (PRC)-New Zealand-Cook Islands Water Partnership. The 2018 review<\/a> of the Australia-China-PNG trilateral malaria project, in particular, noted the project was \u201ca successful model of trilateral development cooperation\u201d and that it \u201cdemonstrated the additional value made possible when these two donors [Australia and the PRC] work together in partnership with the PNG government. There would be merit in further application of this model.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the projects are minor at this stage, PICs taking a greater role in directing strategic cooperation\u2014in terms of priorities that are important to them\u2014only enhances Taylor\u2019s claim<\/a> for the Blue Pacific Continent to continue its position as \u201ca strategically important site of independence, sovereignty, and peace,\u201d while remaining \u201cfriends to all.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A final theme for PICs to consider as part of a framework for opportunity amid great power competition is capability. Both Taylor and the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent<\/a><\/em> surprisingly fail to mention this word beyond single references.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Capabilities, however, will be essential in meeting localised responses to climate change. Its continual elevation as a principal security concern<\/a> among Pacific leaders\u2014in regional and international fora\u2014is essential for political awareness and exposure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, however, its elevation runs the risk of becoming scrutinised by Pacific citizens, who continually face localised climate-change-related environmental issues that rest on government capabilities and not international declarations or agreements. Regional examples include the management of displaced populations<\/a>, environmental protection<\/a>, forestry management<\/a> and marine protection<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These issues, to speak frankly, are currently not well-managed<\/a> by Pacific governments. Outside assistance in these areas\u2014in which the US has taken a specific contemporary interest through its South Pacific Strategy<\/a> and other agreements<\/a>\u2014should not be overlooked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This perhaps will be the most important challenge for Pacific leaders that have endorsed the Blue Pacific\u2014to match the Strategic Pathways of the grand 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent<\/a><\/em> (\u201cgovernance; inclusion and equity; education, research and technology; resilience and wellbeing; and partnerships and cooperation\u201d) to tangible outcomes for Pacific people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indeed, this will be important not just for Pacific political leaders but, in the words of Epeli Hau\u02bbofa, \u201cordinary people,\u201d who Hau\u02bbofa noted<\/a> in Our Sea of Islands<\/em> \u201cmake decisions about their lives independently\u201d and who sustain \u201cskepticism about state policies and the like.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The late Hau\u02bbofa is often cited by Taylor and other regional leaders as articulating the spiritual basis for a Pacific-led regionalism. Any fair reading of his work and legacy will cite two themes he often returned to\u2014a hostility to \u2018belittlement\u2019 and keeping Pacific people \u2018in tiny spaces\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A framework of opportunity now exists to avoid such things. And now offers a time for Pacific nations and people to lead in an authentic way in the age of great power competition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

AUTHOR<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sean Jacobs is a Port Moresby-born Australian writer, and government relations and policy specialist.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

SEAN JACOBS\u00a0 |\u00a0 While Pacific Island Countries (PICs) and Western nations rely on shared values as a basis for a strong relationship, Beijing relies on a different appeal\u2014an \u201cability to deliver,\u201d in Dame Meg Taylor\u2019s words. Indeed, across the Pacific, where \u2018bricks and mortar\u2019 outcomes face persistent setbacks, tangible deliverables are not just broadly appreciatedContinue reading “Cooperation and capabilities: Pacific-led regionalism in the age of great power competition | Part 2”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":10236,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1757,1021,248,1731,1732,524],"tags":[1640,819,1968,284,969,1050,1969,1747,441],"class_list":["post-10279","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-geopolitics-diplomacy","category-pacific-outlook","category-png-and-the-pacific","category-sdg16","category-sdg17","category-public-diplomacy","tag-aukus","tag-blue-pacific","tag-blue-pacific-2050-strategy","tag-china","tag-pacific-islands","tag-pacific-outlook","tag-pacific-led-regionalism","tag-sean-jacobs","tag-united-states"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"\nCooperation and capabilities: Pacific-led regionalism 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