{"id":11938,"date":"2025-09-17T08:30:00","date_gmt":"2025-09-16T22:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=11938"},"modified":"2025-09-15T11:32:59","modified_gmt":"2025-09-15T01:32:59","slug":"soft-balancing-china-indias-evolving-strategy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/soft-balancing-china-indias-evolving-strategy\/","title":{"rendered":"Soft balancing China: India\u2019s evolving strategy"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><a href=\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/tag\/ian-hall\/\">IAN HALL<\/a>&nbsp;|&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In June 2020, high in the Himalayas at Galwan in Ladakh, twenty Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese troops were killed in the first bloodshed on the disputed Sino-Indian border in half a century. This incident led to a prolonged and tense armed standoff along the frontier and a rupture in the bilateral relationship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">After the Galwan clash, faced with a serious military threat to India, Narendra Modi\u2019s government was forced to revise its China strategy. Up to that point, New Delhi had hedged, seeking a robust economic relationship with China and mutual respect for each other\u2019s interests, while strengthening a strategic partnership with the United States. Now, however, it appeared to the Modi government that Beijing was willing to set aside earlier understandings and openly coerce India into accepting a subordinate position in Asia and an effective Chinese veto over New Delhi\u2019s relationships with other partners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">India could not afford to risk a war to regain ground or respect. Two decades of Chinese investment in military power have left India\u2019s capabilities lagging. Important parts of the Indian economy, such as the pharmaceutical industry, are dependent on trade with China. Nor could New Delhi cut off diplomatic relations altogether, as it did after the Sino-Indian border war in 1962, partly because India is now entangled with a series of minilateral and multilateral groupings that the Modi government values and of which China is also a member.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Instead, as I argue in a new article in <em>International Affairs<\/em>, India began to use these groupings \u2013 including the BRICS, the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), and the India-Brazil-South Africa forum \u2013 to frustrate Chinese agendas and undermine Chinese interests. This \u201csoft balancing\u201d aimed to offset China\u2019s power and influence in these groupings and to enhance India\u2019s relative position. It also aimed to signal to Beijing India\u2019s deep unhappiness about what had happened at Galwan and earlier, when Chinese troops had moved in force into territory that India considers its own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The article traces the actions taken in each forum, as India delayed the expansion of BRICS, championed by Beijing, and denied the RIC to China by refusing to convene meetings. Additionally, it trivialised the SCO\u2019s agenda and excluded China from conversations on Global South cooperation by reviving the IBSA forum. It argues that this behaviour was a rational response to the threat India faced from a far stronger China, where other forms of balancing and pushback might have led to serious adverse consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\" \/>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"author label wp-block-paragraph\">AUTHOR<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Professor Ian Hall <\/strong>is a member of the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.griffith.edu.au\/asia-institute\">Griffith Asia Institute<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>IAN HALL&nbsp;|&nbsp; In June 2020, high in the Himalayas at Galwan in Ladakh, twenty Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese troops were killed in the first bloodshed on the disputed Sino-Indian border in half a century. This incident led to a prolonged and tense armed standoff along the frontier and a rupture in [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":11939,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1170,234,246,1731],"tags":[1860,284,2530,1293,512,625,2529,2528,2007,596],"class_list":["post-11938","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-commentary","category-publication","category-india-and-south-asia","category-sdg16","tag-brics","tag-china","tag-galwan-clash","tag-ian-hall","tag-india","tag-narendra-modi","tag-sino-indian-border","tag-soft-balancing","tag-strategic-partnership","tag-xi-jinping"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.0 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Soft balancing China: India\u2019s evolving strategy | Griffith Asia Insights<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"IAN HALL&nbsp;|&nbsp; 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One of the most important, and yet subtle developments this fortnight was a shift in Australia\u2019s position on the ongoing border tensions between India and China.","rel":"","context":"In &quot;Commentary&quot;","block_context":{"text":"Commentary","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/commentary\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"Griffith Asia Institute - Regional Wrap 54","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/02\/REGIONAL-WRAP-900.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/02\/REGIONAL-WRAP-900.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/02\/REGIONAL-WRAP-900.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/02\/REGIONAL-WRAP-900.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":5658,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/trump-modi-and-their-religious-right\/","url_meta":{"origin":11938,"position":2},"title":"Trump, Modi and their Religious Right","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"5 April 2019","format":false,"excerpt":"IAN HALL | Much divides Donald J Trump and Narendra Modi, but there are similarities between the two leaders and their politics beyond their shared fondness for Twitter. Both are nationalists with a strong populist streak; both have a tendency to authoritarianism, albeit of different kinds. Both, moreover, enjoy the\u2026","rel":"","context":"In &quot;Feature series&quot;","block_context":{"text":"Feature series","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/04\/modi-trump-religion-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/04\/modi-trump-religion-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/04\/modi-trump-religion-900x500.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/04\/modi-trump-religion-900x500.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":10376,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/perspectivesasia-australias-pivot-to-india\/","url_meta":{"origin":11938,"position":3},"title":"Perspectives:Asia | Australia\u2019s pivot to India","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"9 November 2023","format":false,"excerpt":"PERSPECTIVES:ASIA\u00a0|\u00a0ANDREW CHARLTON \u00a0| https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=wyZ57trQKAc India is on the rise to become the next global superpower, with a population expected to be larger than the United States and China combined by 2050. For Australia, India has emerged as a new partner offering hope for a more secure and balanced region. The\u2026","rel":"","context":"In &quot;Event - Perspectives:Asia&quot;","block_context":{"text":"Event - Perspectives:Asia","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/events\/perspectives-asia\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"(L-R) Simon Elliot, Deputy Director, Collection and Exhibitions at QAGOMA, Dr Andrew Charlton, Member of Parliament for Parramatta and Professor Christoph Nedopil Wang, Director, Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University. 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In this, an election year, I examine the status of our most important international relationships. My verdict: decidedly shaky.\u2026","rel":"","context":"In &quot;Feature series&quot;","block_context":{"text":"Feature series","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":8642,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/explainer-what-exactly-is-the-quad-and-whats-on-the-agenda-for-their-washington-summit\/","url_meta":{"origin":11938,"position":5},"title":"Explainer: What exactly is the Quad and what\u2019s on the agenda for their Washington summit?","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"24 September 2021","format":false,"excerpt":"IAN HALL | On Friday, the leaders of Australia, India, Japan and the US met in Washington for the first in-person Quad summit. Hosted by US President Joe Biden, the attendees are slated to discuss a series of big issues, from\u00a0COVID-19 to cybersecurity, but China will dominate the conversation. So,\u2026","rel":"","context":"In &quot;Commentary&quot;","block_context":{"text":"Commentary","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/commentary\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]}],"jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"featured_image_thumbnail_url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2025\/09\/Modi-Xi.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11938","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11938"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11938\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11939"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11938"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11938"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11938"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}