{"id":3785,"date":"2017-11-29T08:30:35","date_gmt":"2017-11-28T22:30:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=3785"},"modified":"2017-12-18T09:28:56","modified_gmt":"2017-12-17T23:28:56","slug":"technological-change-and-the-2017-foreign-policy-white-paper","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/technological-change-and-the-2017-foreign-policy-white-paper\/","title":{"rendered":"Technological change and the 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper"},"content":{"rendered":"

In November 2017, the Australian government released its Foreign Policy White Paper to a flurry of interest and speculation as to how Australia will chart a clear course in an increasingly complex world. Scholars, practitioners and policymakers alike offered their views on the outlined economic, defence, national security and diplomatic interests. Critiques include claims the government is \u2018clinging to the past as the rest of the world moves on<\/u><\/a>\u2019, with the white paper itself offering \u2018more wishful thinking than concrete ideas<\/u><\/a>\u2019.<\/p>\n

The Quandary of Digital Diplomacy<\/h3>\n

One area that has received relatively less attention, but is nevertheless a significant change from the previous white paper, is that of digital diplomacy. While mentioned only once in the entire document, the concepts and ideas that feed into digital diplomacy are nevertheless woven into both the key pressures Australia faces and the identified potential ways forward.<\/p>\n

Here lies the quandary: the Australian government recognises the importance of digital diplomacy; it has one of only three ambassadors for cyber or digital affairs<\/u><\/a>\u00a0(including Denmark and most recently France). The white paper even established that the Australian government \u2018will continue to invest in its people to ensure the Australian Public Service has the right digital skills \u2013 including employees with technical expertise and investing in staff to develop the skills they need to engage in digital diplomacy\u2019.\u00a0 Yet without a clear mandate for how Australia will address these concerns, and the requisite budgetary support for these initiatives, how the government can best deal with increasing geopolitical instability will remain an elusive concept rather than a practical goal.<\/p>\n

Acceptance without Engagement<\/h3>\n

Part of the disconnect between understanding the importance of digital diplomacy for Australia\u2019s international engagement and achieving the aims of a technologically advanced power relates to a culture of acceptance without engagement. Research has established that social media is an increasingly important tool of digital diplomacy. Over ninety percent of UN member states<\/u><\/a>\u00a0have a Twitter account, and diplomats are turning to Whatsapp in place of text messages for encrypted communication.<\/p>\n

Yet the significance of social media platforms such as these is often dismissed because their structure can produce simplistic and overly negative engagement between users. Even when pitching Australia\u2019s Digital Media Strategy 2016-2018, Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs Julie Bishop blogged<\/u><\/a> that \u2018having a Twitter account is however not the same as influence: 140 characters cannot replace human interaction, patience, and negotiating quietly behind closed doors. Twitter doesn\u2019t know when it\u2019s better to say nothing and listen, rather than say too much\u2019. If social media continues to be understood as an entity operating of its own accord, rather than a communication tool central to current and future diplomatic practice, there is a lost opportunity to extend the robustness of Australia\u2019s regional and international digital diplomacy.<\/p>\n

Social Media and Future Geopolitical Complexity<\/h3>\n

The urgent need to develop stronger digital diplomacy practice as part of Australia\u2019s foreign policy goals is even more acute given the complex geopolitical environment the state currently finds itself in. Consider US President Donald Trump\u2019s Twitter rebukes to China over its handling of the North Korea nuclear issue. Trump\u2019s tweet<\/u><\/a>\u00a0that \u2018China has done little to help!\u2019 almost derailed<\/u><\/a>\u00a0US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson\u2019s March 2017 meeting with the Chinese foreign ministry. The swinging between hostility and friendliness in US-China relations, illustrated by Trump\u2019s Twitter stream, has consequences not just for these two states but for Australia as well. Australia is moving increasingly towards becoming the \u2018meat in the sandwich of a potential US-China confrontation<\/u><\/a>\u2019 over trade agreements, the South China Sea and recognition of Taiwan.<\/p>\n

Even more so, the increasing coordinated and sustained interference by foreign governments in electoral processes necessitates not only a persistent monitoring of the kind of information being circulated on social media, but also having the technological capacity to evaluate its origins. The white paper has indeed indicated this is of concern to the Australian government, situated within the broader security implications of technological change: terrorism, military and cyber threats. Yet the white paper also establishes the importance of Australia having the capabilities to \u2018dispel misconceptions and ensure our voice is heard when new and traditional media are used to sow misinformation or misrepresent Australian policies\u2019.<\/p>\n

Here the aforementioned disconnect is evident: recognition that social media is changing the conventional nature of influence, and thus state interest, while the strategic importance of such technology is largely subsumed under the heading \u2018soft power\u2019, towards the end of the document. As Susan Harris Rimmer points out, it does feel \u2018like an afterthought<\/u><\/a>\u2019. Unless there is greater investment in digital diplomacy and technological capacity as a stand-alone facet of statecraft, Australia will face being left behind on the international stage and more and more buttressed by digital winds of change.<\/p>\n

AUTHOR<\/div>\n
\n
\n

Dr Constance Duncombe<\/strong>\u00a0Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Political Science and International Studies, The University of Queensland.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In November 2017, the Australian government released its Foreign Policy White Paper to a flurry of interest and speculation as to how Australia will chart a clear course in an increasingly complex world. Scholars, practitioners and policymakers alike offered their views on the outlined economic, defence, national security and diplomatic interests. Critiques include claims the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":42,"featured_media":3791,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[233,524],"tags":[655,637,636],"class_list":["post-3785","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-feature-series","category-public-diplomacy","tag-digital-diplomacy","tag-dr-constance-duncombe","tag-foreign-policy-white-paper"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"\nTechnological change and the 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper | Griffith Asia Insights<\/title>\n<meta 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PNG\u2019s move has been labelled a \u201creprehensible decision,\u201d according to a Hamas spokesperson, while other Palestinian sources\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Pillar 3: Geopolitics and diplomacy"","block_context":{"text":"Pillar 3: Geopolitics and diplomacy","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/pacific-outlook-feature-series\/geopolitics-diplomacy\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"PNG Prime Minister James Marape (left) greets Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem. 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In this, an election year, I examine the status of our most important international relationships. My verdict: decidedly shaky.\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Feature series"","block_context":{"text":"Feature series","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/01\/foreign-policy-volatility-900x500.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":9943,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/whether-on-russia-or-china-clearly-baerbock-is-driving-germanys-change\/","url_meta":{"origin":3785,"position":2},"title":"Whether on Russia or China, clearly Baerbock is driving Germany\u2019s change","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"1 September 2023","format":false,"excerpt":"IAN KEMISH AM\u00a0 | Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock\u2019s address to the Lowy Institute this week\u00a0highlighted\u00a0the significant changes in German foreign and security stance over the last 18 months, especially when it comes to dealing with authoritarian states. It was quite unlike any of the politicians\u2019 speeches I sat through as\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Commentary"","block_context":{"text":"Commentary","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/commentary\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"Annalena Baerbock Wahlkampfh\u00f6hepunkt D\u00fcsseldorf, September 2021","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/08\/Annalena-Baerbock.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/08\/Annalena-Baerbock.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/08\/Annalena-Baerbock.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/08\/Annalena-Baerbock.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":10959,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/department-of-foreign-affairs-and-trade-development-finance-review-implications-for-the-pacific\/","url_meta":{"origin":3785,"position":3},"title":"Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Development Finance Review: Implications for the Pacific","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"24 April 2024","format":false,"excerpt":"SAKIUSA NABOU |\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Download Development Finance Review PDF The Australian Government is committed to deepening its engagement with the Indo-Pacific. A peaceful, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific is in Australia\u2019s long-term interest, but poverty, vulnerability to natural disasters and inequality threaten stability. 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The author effectively discusses the notable absence of the Solomon Islands Prime Minister due to his ties with Beijing and emphasises the need to balance Washington's security concerns with the development priorities\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Pillar 3: Geopolitics and diplomacy"","block_context":{"text":"Pillar 3: Geopolitics and diplomacy","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/pacific-outlook-feature-series\/geopolitics-diplomacy\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"Participants of the US-Pacific Islands Forum Summit standing in front of the White House .","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/biden-pacific-forum.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/biden-pacific-forum.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/biden-pacific-forum.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/biden-pacific-forum.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":7819,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/enhancing-counterterrorism-cooperation-through-transnational-communities\/","url_meta":{"origin":3785,"position":5},"title":"Enhancing counterterrorism cooperation through transnational communities","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"31 July 2019","format":false,"excerpt":"Despite the extensive counter-terrorism efforts invested by states in the region, terrorism continues to be a key national security threat among states in the Indo-Pacific region. During the earlier part of the century, terrorist organizations such as Al Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah were able to develop complex networks and systematically\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Commentary"","block_context":{"text":"Commentary","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/commentary\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/08\/AU-PH-Counterterrorism.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/08\/AU-PH-Counterterrorism.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/08\/AU-PH-Counterterrorism.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/08\/AU-PH-Counterterrorism.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]}],"jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"featured_image_thumbnail_url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2017\/11\/foreign-policy-white-paper-900x500-1.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3785","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/42"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3785"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3785\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/3791"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3785"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3785"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3785"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}