{"id":4776,"date":"2018-09-05T09:30:45","date_gmt":"2018-09-04T23:30:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=4776"},"modified":"2018-09-19T05:23:17","modified_gmt":"2018-09-18T19:23:17","slug":"the-rule-of-law-as-a-political-weapon-in-cambodia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/the-rule-of-law-as-a-political-weapon-in-cambodia\/","title":{"rendered":"The \u2018rule of law\u2019 as a political weapon in Cambodia"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Law as a Political Weapon<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Cambodian Government is not shy in using the law to suppress opposition voices and human rights defenders. In September 2017, the country\u2019s vibrant free-press suffered a major blow with the closure of The Cambodia Daily<\/em> following a disputed US$6.3 million tax bill imposed by the government. Shortly following this closure, a number of radio stations including the US-funded Radio Free Asia<\/em> suspended their operations amid increasing suppression of media outlets. More than a dozen independent Khmer language radio stations broadcasting throughout the country had their licenses suspended without notice. The government shut down long-operating US-based NGO, the National Democratic Institute, claiming that it had breached the controversial Law on Associations and Non-Government Organisations. Cambodia\u2019s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated<\/a> that the action was in the interests of strengthening the \u201crule of law\u201d and Cambodia\u2019s \u201cnational sovereignty\u201d.<\/p>\n

Cambodia has declined into a one-party authoritarian state following the Supreme Court\u2019s November 2017 rule<\/a> to dissolve the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Following last year\u2019s decision, Prime Minister Hun Sen of the ruling Cambodian People\u2019s Party (CPP) delivered a televised statement in support of the dissolution stating that it was based on the principle of the \u201crule of law\u201d, and that Cambodia was enforcing its \u201cown law\u201d.<\/p>\n

This week marks the one-year anniversary<\/a> since the leader of the opposition, Kem Sokha, was arrested and charged with treason in a midnight raid. Since then he has remained in pre-trial detention in the remote Tra Peang Plong prison near Cambodia\u2019s border with Vietnam\u2014some 300km away from the capital. Last week the investigating judge extended his detention for another 6 months. The Ministry of Justice\u2019s spokesperson commented that \u201cSokha can file an appeal to the higher court for bail\u201d.<\/p>\n

Australian Filmmaker Sentenced for \u2018Spying\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

Cambodia\u2019s courts have been making international headlines again this week following the sentencing of Australian filmmaker James Ricketson to six years in jail on charges of espionage. Ricketson was arrested in Cambodia\u2019s capital Phnom Penh in June 2017 after flying a drone over an opposition rally. In a government produced video prior to the July 2018 election, Ricketson was portrayed as being involved in a vast international conspiracy to overthrow Prime Minister Hun Sen through a \u201ccolour revolution\u201d backed by the United States. A similar narrative was seen in the justification of dissolving the CNRP and the jailing of its leader Kem Sokha.<\/p>\n

Throughout the seven-day trial the court failed to mention what country Ricketson was spying for, the only evidence cited by the prosecution were two emails and some photographs retrieved from his devices and the state prosecutor did not call any witnesses or name a single victim of his alleged \u2018espionage\u2019. Judges ruled that Ricketson had used documentary projects and humanitarian work as a cover for collecting material which would later be used to jeopardise the Cambodian government.<\/p>\n

Former Foreign Minister Julie Bishop confirmed in February of this year that she had communicated directly with the Cambodian government about the case. Obviously to no avail. Last week Australia\u2019s current Foreign Minister Marise Payne responded<\/a> to the sentencing with the statement: \u201cMr Ricketson is subject to legal proceedings under Cambodian law and must now consider his response to the court\u2019s decision using the avenues open to him under Cambodian law\u201d.<\/p>\n

The State of Cambodia\u2019s Legal System<\/strong><\/p>\n

So what can we expect if we rely on existing \u201cavenues\u201d within Cambodia\u2019s legal system?<\/p>\n

While the text of the 1993 Cambodian Constitution provides for a robust separation of powers and the protection of judicial independence, an assessment of the judiciary in the local political context reveals major inconsistencies and tensions between these constitutional arrangements and Cambodia\u2019s political culture. Pursuing formal channels of legal appeal are pointless because of the following realities.<\/p>\n

Cambodia is fundamentally lacking in the impartial and equal application and enforcement of law. Political and economic elites, and those with powerful connections in patronage networks, can not only evade charges and punishment, but use the law as a resource for economic gain or to disadvantage rival elites. The networks of patronage and corruption that have been built over decades to consolidate the Cambodian People\u2019s Party (CPP) rule could not function if the judiciary was genuinely independent and the law was enforced impartially.<\/p>\n

Cambodia\u2019s courts are plagued with corruption and judges are often members of the CPP. Executive interference in the judiciary is extensive and pervasive. This is exercised through direct intervention in some cases, but more commonly through a culture of self-censoring and inertia on the part of judges, police and other legal actors, who will either wait for political instructions, or rule in accordance with what are known to be the government\u2019s wishes or in its interests. Furthermore, there are major deficiencies in due process and bureaucratic capacity that compromise the integrity and operation of the judicial system. Cambodia\u2019s Appellate Court is part of this flawed and corrupt system, so there can be no expectation that it will deliver a verdict not in keeping with the wishes of Hun Sen and the CPP.<\/p>\n

International Pressure<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Cambodian Government has been experiencing sustained international pressure following the 2018 general election, after which the National Election Committee confirmed that the CPP won all 125 parliamentary seats contested. The US Government has begun moves to sanction Hun Sen\u2019s regime by freezing assets and restricting visas. The European Union is currently reviewing its preferential trade deal concerning Cambodian exports, which has the potential to severely damage Cambodia\u2019s garment industry.<\/p>\n

How Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne responds to this sentencing, and the Cambodian Government more generally is critical.\u00a0The spotlight has been on Australia\u2019s relationship with Cambodia since the ABC Four Corners<\/a> investigation into Hun Sen\u2019s abuses of power. The controversial refugee deal<\/a> is an unfortunate reality in binding Australia\u2019s interests to Cambodia. The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade reports that Cambodia received $89 million<\/a> in official development assistance for the 2017-18 period. Australia is also a major donor to the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, better known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Canberra\u2019s continued support for the Hun Sen regime contradicts the view of Australia as a \u2018good international citizen\u2019 that seeks to promote norms of democracy and good governance in the region.<\/p>\n

The legal avenues available for Ricketson are limited. The CPP government has almost complete control of the judiciary, and they are able to arrest and sentence with impunity. The only realistic avenue for Ricketson is a royal pardon from the Cambodian King, which would have to be requested by Hun Sen himself. This will require political pressure on the part of the Australian government\u2014not a recourse to Cambodian law as suggested in Payne\u2019s statement.<\/p>\n

AUTHOR<\/div>\n
Lucy West<\/strong>\u00a0is a Research Assistant at the Griffith Asia Institute and PhD candidate in the School of Government and International Relations, Griffith University.<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Law as a Political Weapon The Cambodian Government is not shy in using the law to suppress opposition voices and human rights defenders. In September 2017, the country\u2019s vibrant free-press suffered a major blow with the closure of The Cambodia Daily following a disputed US$6.3 million tax bill imposed by the government. Shortly followingContinue reading “The \u2018rule of law\u2019 as a political weapon in Cambodia”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":42,"featured_media":4777,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[233,247],"tags":[828,539],"class_list":["post-4776","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-feature-series","category-indonesia-and-southeast-asia","tag-cambodia-james-ricketson","tag-lucy-west"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"\nThe \u2018rule of law\u2019 as a political weapon in Cambodia | Griffith Asia Insights<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The Law as a Political Weapon The Cambodian Government is not shy in using the law to suppress opposition voices and human rights defenders. 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