{"id":6630,"date":"2019-11-19T08:30:12","date_gmt":"2019-11-18T22:30:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=6630"},"modified":"2020-03-18T13:47:19","modified_gmt":"2020-03-18T03:47:19","slug":"reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/","title":{"rendered":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Commonwealth\nResponsibility and Cold War Solidarity <\/em>(ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine\nAustralian engagement with Asia began only in the 1980s. In this orthodox view,\nAustralia remained fearful of, or blind to Asia, until the election of the\nWhitlam ALP government in December 1972. The conditions for sustained\nAustralian engagement with Asia from the 1980s were made possible by Whitlam\u2019s\ndiplomatic recognition of communist China in 1972, and by the formal ending of\nthe last vestiges of the White Australia policy and withdrawal of the last\nAustralian military personnel from South Vietnam in 1973. The\nacceptance in the late-1970s of large numbers of Indochinese refugees by the\nFraser Coalition government is considered another important precursor. Australia\u2019s\nengagement with Asia then came to fruition with the Hawke ALP government\u2019s\nagenda from 1983 to re-balance Canberra\u2019s relationships with its traditional \u2018great\nand powerful friends\u2019, Britain and the United States, toward the Asia-Pacific\nregion. Emblematic of this new era in Australian foreign policy was Australia\u2019s\nrole in establishing the Asia Pacific Cooperation (APEC) Forum in partnership\nwith Japan in 1989, and the establishment of formal leaders\u2019 meetings from 1993\nby the Keating ALP government. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\nnarrative tends to criticise the Howard Coalition government\u2019s (1996\u20132007)\ntenure that followed as being marked by ambivalence and insensitivity toward\nAsia. Subsequent ALP governments from Rudd (2007\u201310, 2013) to Gillard (2010\u201313)\nhave continued to emphasise the pursuit of deeper and broader engagement with\nAsia. The October 2012 Australia in the Asian Century<\/em> White Paper\ndescribed this as engagement across the economic, socio-political and security\nspheres. There is no doubt that Australia\u2019s strategies of engagement since 1972\nhave resulted in successful economic outcomes. Trade with the Asian region as a\npercentage of Australia\u2019s total trade increased from 38.5 per cent in 1973\nafter the opening of relations with the People\u2019s Republic of China, to 65.9 per\ncent in 2018. But despite this ostensible success, Australian governments,\nbusiness and opinion leaders continue to emphasise the pursuit of deeper\nengagement with Asia. The catalyst for this book is the observation that this\npersistent rhetoric of Asian engagement actually reveals Canberra\u2019s political\ndistancing from the region during and since the 1970s, rather than its\nprogressively deeper integration. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Counter to the\ndominant narrative, I argue that the circumstances of post-war decolonisation\nintertwined with the Cold War drew Australia deeply into its geographical\nregion of Southeast Asia, despite its historical fears and barrier of the White\nAustralia policy. In this book I argue that the deepest points of Australia\u2019s\nengagement with Asia are to be found in the immediate post-war decades, with\nthe most intense phase being between 1966 and 1968. During this time, Australia\nwas a core member of all specifically Asian security arrangements, meetings and\nregional organisations. Australian policy elites viewed the country as an\nimportant part of Southeast Asia. Australia\u2019s Cold War \u2018forward defence\u2019\nstrategy placed it directly in<\/em> the region. Forward defence meant that\nAustralia\u2019s security outlook was from a postcolonial Southeast Asian\nperspective not an isolated continental one. The Malayan Emergency,\nIndonesian Confrontation and Vietnam War were not a case of Australia being\ninvolved in \u2018other people\u2019s wars\u2019. They were Australia\u2019s wars in its own region, in support of regional neighbours\nwho were also allied with Western great powers. The book shows that Australia\nwas not isolated from its region during the Cold War\u2014quite the opposite.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From 1967 into\nthe early 1970s, the framework for this deep Australian engagement with its\nregion was progressively eroded by a series of compounding and mainly external\nfactors: the formation in 1967 of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations\nand its consolidation by the mid-1970s as the premier regional organisation;\nBritain\u2019s withdrawal from \u2018East of Suez\u2019; US de-escalation and gradual\nwithdrawal from Vietnam after March 1968; the 1969 Nixon doctrine that\nAmerica\u2019s Asian allies must take up more of the burden of providing for their\nown security; and US rapprochement with China in 1972. The book shows that these\nprofound changes marked the start of Australia\u2019s political distancing from the\nregion during the 1970s despite<\/em> the intentions and policies of\ngovernments from Whitlam to the present to foster deeper engagement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The book features two main themes that support\nthis argument. The first is that Australia\u2019s post-war engagement with Asia, under both Labor\nand Coalition governments from 1944 until the late-1960s, was based on a sense\nof responsibility<\/em> to the United Kingdom and its Southeast Asian colonies\nas they navigated a turbulent independence into the British Commonwealth, which\nretained a high level of significance to Australian policy-makers of both\npolitical persuasions. The\nresponsibility felt by Australian political elites to assist in the orderly decolonisation\nof the Straits Settlements, Malayan Peninsula, and British Borneo territories,\ncannot be fully understood within a Cold War ideological framework of\nanti-communism. Nor can it be explained adequately by the instrumental logic of\nforward defence. However paternalistic the views of policy elites may have\nbeen, the evidence suggests that in its approach to Southeast Asian\ndecolonisation, the Australian government was driven as much by normative\nsentiments of responsibility to the British Commonwealth as it was by\ncalculations of Cold War strategic interest. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second is that the circumstances of the Cold War\nprovided for a mutual sense of solidarity<\/em> with the non-communist states\nof East Asia, with which Australia mostly enjoyed close relationships. In this,\nthe book marks an important shift in focus from previous work in seeking to\nemphasise the agency that the smaller Asian states exercised in their\nrelationships with Australia during the Cold War. Halvorson argues that these\nrelationships transcended the narrow security interest of forward defence;\nbeing grounded also in shared values and non-communist identity. These relationships were institutionalised\nthrough the South Korean-instigated Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC)\n(1966\u201375). In the study of Australia\u2019s regional relations, ASPAC is either\ntotally omitted or quickly dismissed as an instrument of Cold War policy. This\nis inadequate when the documentary record indicates that in the mid to\nlate-1960s, it was considered by Australia as the premier vehicle for East\nAsian regionalism. Noteworthy also, is that ASPAC was a fully Asian initiative\nthat did not involve extra-regional great powers and remains the only Asian\nregional organisation in which Australia and New Zealand have ever<\/em> been\nincluded as core members. This alone was considered of great importance by the\nAustralian government. The book\nshows that Australia\u2019s\nengagement during this period was not based on Cold War strategic interests\nalone, but also in part on strong normative concerns shared with a range of\nAsian states. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In contrast to\nthis earlier era, Australia\u2019s current mode of engagement has been described as\ntransactional. It is broad but shallow, involves a range of societal actors,\nand is centred mainly on the functional issues of economics and business,\neducation, sport and tourism, and transnational security. Engagement during the\nearly Cold War decades was narrower and elite-driven, but deeper and political.\nCold War engagement was deeper because it impinged on foundational issues of\nstate sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security, whereas\ntransactional engagement does not. The historical trajectory advanced in the\nbook accounts for the increase in recent decades of Australia\u2019s economic and\ntransnational security relationships, and people-to-people contacts in Asia, at\nthe same time that Canberra has been distanced in political terms. The\nbook concludes, however, that recent trends including a more assertive and\nnationalistic China, India\u2019s emergence as a great power, overt Sino-Japanese\nstrategic rivalry and competing maritime claims among a number of states in the\nSouth China Sea, indicate that conditions may again be developing to support\ndeeper Australian political and security engagement in Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

You\ncan read Commonwealth Responsibility and\nCold War Solidarity: Australia in Asia 1944-74 <\/em>in full here<\/a>.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AUTHOR<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dr Dan Halvorson is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Government and International Relations and member of the Griffith Asia Institute.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in the 1980s. In this orthodox view, Australia remained fearful of, or blind to Asia, until the election of the Whitlam ALP government in December 1972. The conditions for sustained Australian engagement with Asia fromContinue reading “Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":6632,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[245,246,247,1056],"tags":[1013,1012],"class_list":["post-6630","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-china-and-north-east-asia","category-india-and-south-asia","category-indonesia-and-southeast-asia","category-politics","tag-australia-asia-engagement","tag-dr-dan-halvorson"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"\nReinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Griffith Asia Insights\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/griffithasiainstitute\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/11\/Australia\u2019s-historic-engagement-with-Asia-2-900x500.jpg?fit=900%2C500&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"900\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"500\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Griffith Asia Institute\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@GAIGriffith\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@GAIGriffith\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Griffith Asia Institute\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"7 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Griffith Asia Institute\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/8121b8aa336749474cbaca380c03029a\"},\"headline\":\"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\"},\"wordCount\":1313,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization\"},\"keywords\":[\"Australia-Asia engagement\",\"Dr Dan Halvorson\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Region | China and Northeast Asia\",\"Region | India and South Asia\",\"Region | Indonesia and Southeast Asia\",\"Topic-Politics\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-AU\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\",\"name\":\"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00\",\"description\":\"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-AU\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/\",\"name\":\"Griffith Asia Insights\",\"description\":\"Asia Insights is published by the Griffith Asia Institute. It offers latest commentary on Asia-Pacific affairs and aims to inform and foster academic scholarship, public awareness and considered and responsive policy making.\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":\"required name=search_term_string\"}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-AU\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization\",\"name\":\"Griffith Asia Institute\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-AU\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/GU_Griffith-Asia-Institute_rgb_red_horizontal.png?fit=2930%2C308&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/GU_Griffith-Asia-Institute_rgb_red_horizontal.png?fit=2930%2C308&ssl=1\",\"width\":2930,\"height\":308,\"caption\":\"Griffith Asia Institute\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\"},\"sameAs\":[\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/griffithasiainstitute\/\",\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/GAIGriffith\"]},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/8121b8aa336749474cbaca380c03029a\",\"name\":\"Griffith Asia Institute\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-AU\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f133de65681da3b20ddbc1917f066f458d355d7dfa1f214b10ff4bd135d5ab6c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f133de65681da3b20ddbc1917f066f458d355d7dfa1f214b10ff4bd135d5ab6c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Griffith Asia Institute\"},\"url\":\"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/author\/gaigriffith-edu-au\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights","description":"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights","og_description":"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in","og_url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/","og_site_name":"Griffith Asia Insights","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/griffithasiainstitute\/","article_published_time":"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00","article_modified_time":"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00","og_image":[{"width":900,"height":500,"url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/11\/Australia\u2019s-historic-engagement-with-Asia-2-900x500.jpg?fit=900%2C500&ssl=1","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"Griffith Asia Institute","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@GAIGriffith","twitter_site":"@GAIGriffith","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Griffith Asia Institute","Est. reading time":"7 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/"},"author":{"name":"Griffith Asia Institute","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/8121b8aa336749474cbaca380c03029a"},"headline":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia","datePublished":"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00","dateModified":"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/"},"wordCount":1313,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization"},"keywords":["Australia-Asia engagement","Dr Dan Halvorson"],"articleSection":["Region | China and Northeast Asia","Region | India and South Asia","Region | Indonesia and Southeast Asia","Topic-Politics"],"inLanguage":"en-AU","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/","url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/","name":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia | Griffith Asia Insights","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#website"},"datePublished":"2019-11-18T22:30:12+00:00","dateModified":"2020-03-18T03:47:19+00:00","description":"Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity (ANU Press, 2019) challenges the orthodoxy that genuine Australian engagement with Asia began only in","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-AU","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/reinterpreting-australias-historic-engagement-with-asia\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Reinterpreting Australia\u2019s historic engagement with Asia"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#website","url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/","name":"Griffith Asia Insights","description":"Asia Insights is published by the Griffith Asia Institute. It offers latest commentary on Asia-Pacific affairs and aims to inform and foster academic scholarship, public awareness and considered and responsive policy making.","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":"required name=search_term_string"}],"inLanguage":"en-AU"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#organization","name":"Griffith Asia Institute","url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-AU","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/GU_Griffith-Asia-Institute_rgb_red_horizontal.png?fit=2930%2C308&ssl=1","contentUrl":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/blogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2023\/10\/GU_Griffith-Asia-Institute_rgb_red_horizontal.png?fit=2930%2C308&ssl=1","width":2930,"height":308,"caption":"Griffith Asia Institute"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/griffithasiainstitute\/","https:\/\/twitter.com\/GAIGriffith"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/8121b8aa336749474cbaca380c03029a","name":"Griffith Asia Institute","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-AU","@id":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f133de65681da3b20ddbc1917f066f458d355d7dfa1f214b10ff4bd135d5ab6c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f133de65681da3b20ddbc1917f066f458d355d7dfa1f214b10ff4bd135d5ab6c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Griffith Asia Institute"},"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/author\/gaigriffith-edu-au\/"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/11\/Australia\u2019s-historic-engagement-with-Asia-2-900x500.jpg","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack-related-posts":[],"jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"featured_image_thumbnail_url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2019\/11\/Australia\u2019s-historic-engagement-with-Asia-2-900x500.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6630","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6630"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6630\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6632"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6630"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6630"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6630"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}