{"id":6911,"date":"2020-02-21T08:30:02","date_gmt":"2020-02-20T22:30:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=6911"},"modified":"2020-02-27T05:34:08","modified_gmt":"2020-02-26T19:34:08","slug":"how-vulnerable-is-xi-jinping-over-coronavirus-in-todays-china-there-are-few-to-hold-him-to-account","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/how-vulnerable-is-xi-jinping-over-coronavirus-in-todays-china-there-are-few-to-hold-him-to-account\/","title":{"rendered":"How vulnerable is Xi Jinping over coronavirus? In today\u2019s China, there are few to hold him to account"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Brand \u201cPeople\u2019s Republic of China\u201d is wobbling, as if the massive picture of Mao Zedong in Tiananmen Square was swaying with an earthquake tremor. But it can only actually fall if pushed from inside.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The handling of the coronavirus epidemic is undoubtedly sapping confidence in the Communist party and its formerly all-conquering general secretary, Xi Jinping.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any country or ruling party would struggle if faced with a similarly massive challenge \u2013 exacerbated by the great annual domestic migration for Lunar New Year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the party and its leader shoulder especially great ambitions of entering a \u201cnew era\u201d created by Xi to \u201crealise the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation<\/a>.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

National elders selected Xi as leader in 2012 to purge corruption and purify the party<\/a>. He has replaced most senior officials, including in the People\u2019s Liberation Army, with those who supported his rise<\/a> through the provincial ranks in Fujian and Zhejiang.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xi has restructured the party, personalised and centralised power<\/a>. Leveraging the anti-corruption campaign, he has also built the central party\u2019s vast surveillance and control powers<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Losing the \u2018mandate of heaven\u2019<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The big question now is how this renovated party structure is holding up against the appalling coronavirus epidemic. Particularly as it compounds an economic slowdown already exacerbated by the trade-and-tech war with the US<\/a> and Beijing\u2019s struggles to subdue its troubled borderlands in Xinjiang<\/a> and Hong Kong<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would seem logical that since Xi claims all the glory for China\u2019s economic rise and global influence, he would bear the responsibility for disasters, as well.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This would fit with the old imperial danger of losing the \u201cmandate of heaven<\/a>\u201d \u2013 the notion that only a righteous ruler would retain the approval of the gods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Medical staff at a makeshift hospital in Wuhan. Stringer\/EPA<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

But there\u2019s a long history in China of people blaming local officials for problems, while retaining a belief in the power of the emperor or general secretary to resolve them. Hundreds of thousands still annually petition the central party leadership<\/a> about regional and personal wrongs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many are still assessing where to pin blame for the current crisis and are reluctant to accept what they are told officially. People are adroitly downloading and re-posting censored messages on social media, causing the \u201cnet police\u201d constant whack-a-mole grief.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is why the initial failings of the Wuhan authorities<\/a>, which likely enabled the virus to spread rapidly, have aroused widespread anger in China. And why many rightly dubbed the whistleblowing doctor Li Wenliang, who died from the disease after being hauled in by police, a martyr<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In recent days, the central government has also blamed local authorities, replacing the party secretary in Hubei province<\/a>. However, public anger and distrust of the authorities still burns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Crises like the melamine-laced milk powder scandal<\/a> that sickened more than 300,000 babies in 2008 and now coronavirus underline a basic reality: for all the vast sums spent on security in China, it remains fundamentally elusive for most people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alistair Nicholas, a Sydney-based business consultant with extensive China experience, told me his contacts in China have said<\/p>\n\n\n\n

the poor initial handling of the crisis by the Chinese authorities has \u2018left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Chinese.\u2019 Trust with their own government has been broken and those who can will leave.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

With hundreds of millions still staying largely at home, staring at smartphones, such sentiments seep out everywhere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reform remains unlikely<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Xi will, of course, be aware it was in Wuchang, a district of Wuhan, where a rebellion began in 1911 that triggered<\/a> the downfall of the Qing Dynasty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, however, the extent of China\u2019s online and offline controls almost rule out change \u2013 or even threat \u2013 coming from the \u201cmasses\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They are not trusted to participate in their own governance. They are given no scope to organise. Since seizing power in 1949, the party has drawn a line under further revolutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the last few days, two figures named Xu have challenged Xi, and suffered the consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xu Zhiyong<\/a>, a civil rights activist and academic who called on Xi to resign over the virus response, has been arrested by security officials in Guangzhou.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And Xu Zhangrun<\/a>, a famous law professor at Tsinghua University, has been placed under effective house arrest after posting a lengthy critique<\/a> that said China\u2019s political system<\/p>\n\n\n\n

turns every natural disaster into an even greater man-made catastrophe.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Trump repeating Xi\u2019s talking points: \u201cI spoke with President Xi & they\u2019re working very, very hard, and I think it\u2019s going to all work out fine.\u201d

“Regardless of how good they are at controlling the internet they can\u2019t keep all 1.4 billion mouths in China shut.” Xu Zhangrun<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The contrast between heroic doctors & bumbling political leaders could not be more stark.

\u201cThe coronavirus epidemic has revealed the rotten core of Chinese governance,\u201d Xu Zhangrun, wrote this month in an online essay that was immediately banned. https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2020\/02\/15\/opinion\/sunday\/china-coronavirus.html \u2026<\/a>Opinion | \u2018I Cannot Remain Silent\u2019A brave voice in China cries out about the regime\u2019s mishandling of the coronavirus.nytimes.com<\/a>59<\/a>8:30 AM – Feb 16, 2020<\/a>Twitter Ads info and privacy<\/a>28 people are talking about this<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There has also been sharp criticism of China\u2019s response to the crisis overseas, but this, too, carries limited weight in Beijing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead, China highlights and relishes the applause its governance receives, especially from agencies like the World Health Organisation. WHO Director-General Tedros Ghebreyesus recently thanked China for its \u201ctransparency\u201d and heaped particular praise on Xi<\/a> for his \u201cdetailed knowledge of the outbreak\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are, of course, questions<\/a> about when Xi\u2019s knowledge of the outbreak actually began.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But rather than claiming ignorance of the severity of the outbreak at the outset, Xi has decided to take a different course. He\u2019s persisting with his customary claim of omniscience and blaming local officials<\/a>, while insisting China\u2019s \u201cwar\u201d against the virus has been valiant, as attested by the WHO and other international voices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Who is going to take credible issue with that?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In today\u2019s China, it is not intellectuals or the general public, but the 90 million party members<\/a> who will determine whether this epidemic demands substantial change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And that will ultimately depend on the tiny circle of elite cadres surrounding Xi. Unless a convincing crack appears at the top, the crucial band of middle-ranking party managers will sit tight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus has urged the international community to focus on fighting the epidemic, not questioning China\u2019s actions. SALVATORE DI NOLFI\/EPA<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u2018Not just a problem for China, but for the world\u2019<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The personalisation of the system, combined with Xi\u2019s reluctance to groom a successor is, however, steadily raising party anxiety about the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xi said recently<\/a>,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

the long-term sound fundamentals of our economy haven\u2019t changed \u2026 The impact of the outbreak will only be short-term.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

But the rippling effects of coronavirus threaten to derail Xi\u2019s vision of \u201crejuvenation\u201d – a Chinese century of power and affluence. Economists ponder whether China will now spring the \u201cmiddle income trap\u201d<\/a> that has restrained the prosperity of other nations, risking a failure to \u201cget rich before it grows old.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The almost certain postponement<\/a> of next month\u2019s National People\u2019s Congress is a further mark of a government in crisis. Despite making good health sense, this move would create political risk by acknowledging that even pillar state events are now eluding Xi\u2019s control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Once eventually summoned, though, the NPC delegates will be expected to cheer to the red rafters Xi\u2019s victory in the \u201cPeople\u2019s War\u201d against coronavirus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But what does it mean, asks Jude Blanchette<\/a>, who holds the Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, for Xi to dominate a party and government<\/p>\n\n\n\n

that appear unable to confront, diagnose, and effectively overcome complex domestic and international challenges? That\u2019s not just a problem for China, but for the world.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Or as the stood-down law professor Xu Zhangrun asks<\/a>, can a regime that cannot treat its own people well, treat the world well?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AUTHOR<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rowan Callick<\/strong> is an Industry Fellow at the Griffith Asia Institute. This article first appeared at The Conversation<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Brand \u201cPeople\u2019s Republic of China\u201d is wobbling, as if the massive picture of Mao Zedong in Tiananmen Square was swaying with an earthquake tremor. But it can only actually fall if pushed from inside. The handling of the coronavirus epidemic is undoubtedly sapping confidence in the Communist party and its formerly all-conquering general secretary, XiContinue reading “How vulnerable is Xi Jinping over coronavirus? In today\u2019s China, there are few to hold him to account”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":6913,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[245,1057],"tags":[284,941,1052,807],"class_list":["post-6911","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-china-and-north-east-asia","category-security","tag-china","tag-containing-contagion","tag-coronavirus","tag-rowan-callick"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill Moriarty","yoast_head":"\nHow vulnerable is Xi Jinping over coronavirus? 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