{"id":7876,"date":"2020-08-27T09:41:00","date_gmt":"2020-08-26T23:41:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=7876"},"modified":"2023-05-04T14:56:53","modified_gmt":"2023-05-04T04:56:53","slug":"chinas-footprint-in-the-pacific","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/chinas-footprint-in-the-pacific\/","title":{"rendered":"China\u2019s footprint in the Pacific"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

China\u2019s gigantic footprint in the Pacific is expected to grow in future, despite the impact of COVID-19 on its economy and the dent in its global standing due to various territorial disputes and the recent crackdown in Hong Kong.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These issues were at the center of discussions at a recent \u2018China in the Pacific\u2019<\/a> webinar  organised by Georgetown University in conjunction with the University of Hawaii.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The panel<\/a> included Dr Tarcisius Kabutaulaka, Director of the University of Hawaii\u2019s Centre for Pacific Studies, Professor Terence Wesley-Smith from the University of Hawaii and Dr Graeme Smith, a fellow at the Australian National University (ANU).<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While some panelists believe that China\u2019s support is beneficial for a remote region with unique development challenges, others fear that the Pacific states could become pawns in Beijing\u2019s longer-term geo-strategic ambitions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China has over the years become a major aid donor, trade partner and source of investment in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pacific exports to China have increased from US$46m in 2005 to almost US$400m in 2017, according to analysis from the Development Policy Centre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In response, traditional allies, such as Australia, New Zealand and the United States, have stepped up their engagement seeking to mitigate China\u2019s influence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The panelists considered numerous issues within the context of how Pacific island states engage with China<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

They agreed that China was here to stay and that people must \u2018learn to live with it.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dr Kabutaulaka said since Pacific island countries want China to be part of the new regional order, they needed to know how to manage that relationship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cFor a lot of Pacific countries, the challenge is knowing which part of China, given the fact that China is dynamic and not homogenous, we are dealing with – whether it\u2019s Beijing or with companies,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s <\/strong>concessional loans and grants in the region reached US$1.5 billion between 2006 and 2017, according to the Lowy Institute, making it the region\u2019s third largest donor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But there are concerns about the borrowing levels of island leaders amid rising debt in several countries, especially in light of the economic distress caused by Covid-19.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s lending style has been deemed as posing \u201cclear risks\u201d in the long-term, according to the Lowy Institute.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chinese construction companies undertook work valued at US$958 million in the Pacific in 2017, according to China\u2019s Ministry of Commerce.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The panelists said that these investments could grow given that China\u2019s 10 Pacific allies had signed on to the US$1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Three major Chinese companies are active in the region: the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), the Shanghai Construction Group and the China Railway Group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ANU\u2019s Dr Smith believes these companies are expected to \u201ccarry the water for the Chinese state\u201d in negotiations with Pacific leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cCCECC basically fronted China in the Solomon Islands when they were trying to negotiate the switch [from Taiwan to China],\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThey met with senior government people<\/a> and offered them US$500m worth of grants and loans. In the end, that seemed to have been persuasive because Solomon Islands switched shortly afterwards.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aside from economics, China has political ambitions in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beijing views the region as a crucial source of votes at bodies like the United Nations, according to Professor Wesley-Smith.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He said the implications were played out at a July UN Human Rights Council vote on China\u2019s new national security law in Hong Kong.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Papua New Guinea was one of the 53 countries that voted in favour of the new law, described as draconian and oppressive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cUp until quite recently, Pacific delegations at the United Nations tended to vote pretty solidly along with western countries,\u201d Professor Wesley-Smith said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere is the possibility that we are going to see an increasing divide in that bloc.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Professor Wesley-Smith said that Pacific island countries were compelled into a balancing act to ensure their own development needs are addressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In particular, Pacific states recognise climate change as \u201cthe single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing\u201d and want it emphasised in global discussions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the region\u2019s dominant donor, Australia\u2019s Pacific \u2018Step Up\u2019 has been the most pronounced effort to counter China\u2019s increased presence in the Pacific.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It includes a US$2bn infrastructure development financing facility, funding the US$144m Coral Sea Cable System<\/a> in the Solomon Islands and the construction of the Blackrock military base in Fiji.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New Zealand has also launched its \u2018Pacific Reset\u2019 and the United States has the \u2018Pacific Pledge.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These initiatives have been welcomed by Dr Tabukaulaka.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, he believes that the western powers\u2019 exclusion of the Pacific from various mappings of the region \u2013 for example, the Indo-Pacific – will continue to push it closer towards China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere is a need for genuinely respecting the sovereignty of PICs in our engagement not only with China but with other parts of the world as well,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These issues and more will form the backdrop of regional geopolitics and how Pacific leaders negotiate their relationships with foreign powers, including China, in the COVID-19 era and beyond.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AUTHOR<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Former Fiji Sun deputy managing editor business and senior news journalist Sheldon Chanel<\/strong> is a freelance journalist based in Suva. Sheldon writes for the Guardian Pacific and is the consulting editor for the University of the South Pacific\u2019s journalism student newspaper, Wansolwara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Pacific Outlook series is an initiative of the Pacific Hub<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sheldon Chanel shares commentary on the recent “China In the Pacific” webinar as China\u2019s footprint in the Pacific is expected to grow despite the impact of COVID-19. 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