{"id":8974,"date":"2022-03-04T08:30:00","date_gmt":"2022-03-03T22:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/?p=8974"},"modified":"2023-08-07T10:25:10","modified_gmt":"2023-08-07T00:25:10","slug":"south-east-asia-snapshot-21","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/south-east-asia-snapshot-21\/","title":{"rendered":"Southeast Asia Snapshot #21"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

SOVINDA PO<\/a> | <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ferdinand Marcos Jr seeks military presence in the South China Sea<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

During the Philippines\u2019 Presidential Debate on 15 February 2022, Ferdinand Marcos Jr\u2014the only son of former president Ferdinand Marcos Sr and a presidential candidate for the upcoming election\u2014revealed his ambition for military deployment in the South China Sea<\/a>. According to Marcos Jr, this plan would be to protect the local fishermen<\/a> from the growing Chinese aggression in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He further stated that the deployment plan would not be an offensive stance toward China, but rather serve as a defensive measure<\/a>. In the debate, Marcos Jr also said that, if elected, he would continue President Duterte\u2019s pro-China policy<\/a> while seeking to also improve defense relations with the Philippines\u2019 historically, the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Along with balancing these relationships, he also believed that by having the Philippines\u2019 military presence in the South China Sea, the government could defend<\/a> the country\u2019s maritime territorial claim in the disputed areas. In contrast, Manny Pacquiao\u2014another presidential candidate\u2014said he would push for negotiations with China<\/a> while strengthening defense ties with the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As Marcos Jr is currently the leading candidate in the opinion polls<\/a>, this deployment ambition could become reality, potentially resulting in escalated tensions for two main reasons. First, it could sour the relationship between the Philippines and China while potentially provoking other maritime claimant states like Vietnam to deploy maritime forces. Second, it could weaken ASEAN\u2019s Code of Conduct negotiations and make it even harder to reach a resolution by its targeted 2022 deadline.     <\/p>\n\n\n\n

ASEAN\u2019s Special Envoy attempts to visit Myanmar next month<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

In a press conference<\/a> after the ASEAN Foreign Ministers\u2019 Retreat on 17 February 2022, Cambodia\u2019s Foreign Minister Prak Sokhon, who is also ASEAN\u2019s Special Envoy, unveiled plans to visit Myanmar<\/a> in March.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sokhon hopes to meet<\/a> with Min Aung Hlaing, the junta\u2019s Foreign Minister, along with other political actors. He also hopes to deliver ASEAN’s humanitarian assistance<\/a> to a hospital in Yangon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sokhon also plans to engage with the National Unity Government (NUG), but this is a complex task as they have been labeled as terrorists<\/a> by the military junta. His hope is that the Tatmadaw will allow him to facilitate<\/a> talks between the military and the NUG.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite these challenges, Prak Sokhon sees this potential first visit as a basic framework<\/a> to resolve Myanmar\u2019s political crisis. Importantly, he has not set any preconditions<\/a> to meet with all parties as he believes it is important not to be too unrealistically ambitious<\/a> at this stage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Tatmadaw has not yet issued any statement regarding this planned trip. It remains a possibility that the junta could reject the visit, as it did the visit from the special envoy from Brunei last year<\/a>. However, it is hoped that this visit can go ahead and be another step in facilitating a potential resolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ASEAN\u2019s special envoy has also requested that the junta meet with their political opponents. However, the junta has already rejected<\/a> this proposal. According to the junta, since they are labeled as a terrorist group<\/a>, meeting with them would undermine both ASEAN\u2019s charter and counter-terrorism efforts<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the rejection, many countries have encouraged Cambodia to pursue this course of action. The NUG\u2019s Foreign Minister encouraged ASEAN\u2019s special envoy to meet with the NUG members<\/a>. Within the region, Indonesia stressed<\/a> the importance of the special envoy meeting with all parties involved, while Malaysia also encouraged the envoy to meet with the NUG<\/a> and the military government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cambodia is, therefore, in a precarious position. Only visiting parties that the junta allows may appear as if ASEAN is accepting NUG\u2019s status as a supposed \u201cterrorist group\u201d<\/a>. Alternately, if it is to impose further demands, the junta might not allow the visit to happen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Malaysian Prime Minister visits Cambodia<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Malaysian Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob met with Cambodia\u2019s Prime Minister Hun Sen during his visit to Cambodia<\/a> on 23 and 24 February 2022. Both sides discussed Myanmar, economic ties and other regional concerns<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding issues in Myanmar, both supported the implementation of the 5-Point Consensus<\/a>. Moreover, the two leaders also discussed the South China Sea<\/a> and the Russia\u2013Ukraine conflict<\/a>. They pledged to promote<\/a> bilateral trade, investment, education, and tourism to bolster their countries\u2019 economies after the COVID-19 pandemic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Malaysian Ambassador to Cambodia and the Malaysian Chamber of Commerce described this meeting as a great opportunity and a turning point<\/a> for both countries to forge closer and more comprehensive economic and investment relations. The Council for the Development of Cambodia (CDC) encouraged Malaysia to reevaluate its investment strategies<\/a> in order to compete with the other countries in Cambodia. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The visit could be a means to dilute the tension with the ASEAN Chair after a fierce exchange of rhetoric<\/a> between the Malaysian Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Hun Sen in January. While many topics were discussed, the talks mainly focused on economic recovery following the COVID-19 pandemic, with hopes that this high-level visit could lead to deeper economic cooperation in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

AUTHOR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sovinda<\/strong> Po<\/strong> is a Research Assistant at the Griffith Asia Institute<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

SOVINDA PO | Ferdinand Marcos Jr seeks military presence in the South China Sea During the Philippines\u2019 Presidential Debate on 15 February 2022, Ferdinand Marcos Jr\u2014the only son of former president Ferdinand Marcos Sr and a presidential candidate for the upcoming election\u2014revealed his ambition for military deployment in the South China Sea. According to Marcos […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":8233,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[247,1413,1056,524,1057,1],"tags":[280,284,518,369,379,421,1517,1079],"class_list":["post-8974","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-indonesia-and-southeast-asia","category-south-east-asia-snapshot","category-politics","category-public-diplomacy","category-security","category-uncategorized","tag-cambodia","tag-china","tag-malaysia","tag-myanmar","tag-philippines","tag-south-china-sea","tag-south-east-asia-snapshot","tag-sovinda-po"],"acf":[],"modified_by":"Jill 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Hosted by US President Joe Biden, the attendees are slated to discuss a series of big issues, from\u00a0COVID-19 to cybersecurity, but China will dominate the conversation. So,\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Commentary"","block_context":{"text":"Commentary","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/commentary\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/09\/QUAD21.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":10652,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/griffith-asia-pacific-strategic-outlook-2024\/","url_meta":{"origin":8974,"position":3},"title":"Griffith Asia-Pacific Strategic Outlook 2024","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"21 March 2024","format":false,"excerpt":"Discover the region's challenges and opportunities for sustainable development in the Griffith Asia-Pacific Strategic Outlook 2024!","rel":"","context":"In "GAPSO"","block_context":{"text":"GAPSO","link":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/category\/publication\/feature-series\/gapso\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"Griffith Asia-Pacific Strategic Outlook 2024","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2024\/03\/banner-GAPSO-blog.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200,"srcset":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2024\/03\/banner-GAPSO-blog.jpg?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1 1x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2024\/03\/banner-GAPSO-blog.jpg?resize=525%2C300&ssl=1 1.5x, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2024\/03\/banner-GAPSO-blog.jpg?resize=700%2C400&ssl=1 2x"},"classes":[]},{"id":5292,"url":"https:\/\/testblogs.griffith.edu.au\/asiainsights\/australia-should-brace-for-a-volatile-year-in-foreign-policy-in-2019\/","url_meta":{"origin":8974,"position":4},"title":"Australia should brace for a volatile year in foreign policy in 2019","author":"Griffith Asia Institute","date":"4 January 2019","format":false,"excerpt":"SUSAN HARRIS RIMMER | By the end of 2019 we should be able to assess how Australia is travelling with the grand plan laid out in the\u00a02017 Foreign Policy White Paper. 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